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Though
Ngeze’s informal, outspoken style earns it credibility as an independent
publication, the journal is thoroughly a government production. Its issues
are printed free of charge by state facilities. The majority of each print
run is distributed by mayors to their townspeople. But when the president’s
security force arrests Kanguka’s troublesome editor in
July 1990, they jail Ngeze as well—a shrewd tactic which, while
reminding Ngeze of his dependence upon official favor, establishes parity
in the public mind between the truly independent anti-establishment paper
and the mouthpiece of the regime. Amnesty International and other human
rights organizations, which will be the first to condemn the Rwandan genocide
years later, now join the appeal to release of this publisher of propaganda
inciting racial violence. After Ngeze is freed to resume publishing in
October, his reputation as a rebel well established, he is even more serviceable
to the Habyarimana administration. Kangura is free to push the
party line of ethnic hatred to its furthest extremes. By raging at the
government’s slackness in permitting the survival of Tutsi, Ngeze
grants the official message greater mass appeal by bestowing a veneer
of populism; at the same time the government preserves an appearance of
moderation, so important in maintaining international support.
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Kangura uses political cartoons and caricatures to provide
visual impact and to ensure that its anti-Tutsi sloganeering reaches
less fluently literate viewers. Often obscene, these illustrations
exploit the theme of Tutsi domination: Tutsi men castrating Hutu,
Tutsi women trading sexual favors for international support of
their nefarious cause. The cover design for issue #26, appearing
in December 1993, poses a riddle: "What arms could we use
to destroy the inyenzi for good?" Beside the question is
a photo of Gregoire Kayibanda, architect of the Hutu revolution
and first president of Rwanda*. On the other side is a machete.
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In
print, the editorial line is the same: a wake-up call to educate
the Hutu about purported Tutsi abuses, to unite them as a people,
to mobilize them against the enemy. History will reward us for
our efforts. We have just finished the first phase, to prevent
the inyenzi from enslaving us; we are now entering the second
phase, that is, asking all Hutus to share in the achievements
of the revolution." A Hutu people united can vanquish any
foe, Kangura insists, knowing that a foe to vanquish
can create a Hutu people united. "You understand that when
the majority people is divided, the minority becomes the majority...
Your unity, your mutual understanding, your solidarity are the
certain weapons of your victory." Among a people united there
is no dissent, no hostility resulting from the longstanding tradition
of regional cronyism among Rwandan leaders, no suspicion that
the interests of a president whose 20-room mansion includes a
hall exclusively for the display of crystalware and a subsistence
farmer with an annual income of $350 US might not be quite united.
In the pages of Kangura, unquestioning Hutu solidarity
is an essential tactic in the war for survival against the Tutsi—though
behind the scenes, between the lines, for the wealthy elite it
is an end in itself.
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Kangura
publishes a specially edited version of the 'Hutu Ten Command-ments',
emphasizing racial solidarity and superiority. Read
it here: |
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Kangura
rarely refers to Tutsi by this name, instead preferring the term
inyenzi, Kinyarwanda for 'cockroach', or inkotanyi,
a historical term for a warrior. |
The
identification of the Tutsi with the cockroach is metaphorically
powerful, conveying a loathsome filthiness magnified by the relentless
force of the swarm in which these individually insignificant pests
infest a household. "We began by saying that a cockroach
cannot give birth to a butterfly. It is true. A cockroach gives
birth to another cockroach... The history of Rwanda shows us clearly
that a Tutsi stays always exactly the same, that he has never
changed. The malice, the evil are just as we knew them in the
history of our country. We are not wrong in saying that a cockroach
gives birth to another cockroach. Who could tell the difference
between the inyenzi who attacked in October 1990 and those of
the 1960s. They are all linked... their evilness is the same."
Kangura publishes lists of Tutsi who have "infiltrated"
public culture, railing against their disproportionate success
in monopolizing all the credit available from banks, all the import/export
licenses available from the government, all the jobs available.
This theft is enabled by "the detestable habit that many
Tutsis have adopted of changing their ethnic group… which
allows them to pass unnoticed and to take places normally reserved
for Hutu in the administration and the schools. If this disease
is not treated immediately, it will destroy all the Hutu."
Indeed, the journal charges that 85% of Rwandan Tutsis are scurrying
about Rwanda unseen in this way. Thus the Tutsi are imagined as
a dangerous contamination to be cleansed from the Rwandan household;
their filth and creeping infiltration horrify readers into a conviction
that they must be destroyed, while their vulnerability gives confidence
that they can be destroyed.
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Generalized
use of the term "Inkotanyi", originally applied only
to the actual fighting force of the Rwandan
Patriotic Front, portrays all Rwandan Tutsi as soldiers armed
against the Hutu and thereby rhetorically transforms a campaign
of violence against one’s unarmed civilian neighbors into
a legitimate military campaign. One article specifically warns
that 85% of Tutsi are RPF collaborators "who are working
night and day" to overthrow security in Rwanda. Faced with
such a threat the Hutu have no choice but to act in self-defense:
"If they [the RPF] commit even the slightest mistake they
will perish, and if they make the mistake of attacking again all
accomplices will perish in Rwanda." Kangura accuses
the Tutsi of waging a terror campaign "which would leave
no survivors", of which the RPF is only a single weapon.
"The inkotyani will not hesitate to transform their sisters,
wives and mothers into pistols" to defeat the susceptible
Hutu; nor would they hesitate to enlist European support, like
the UN peacekeepers accused in a spring 1994 issue of plotting
with the RPF to assassinate the president and take over Rwanda.
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But
wait a minute. A few months later, the president really was murdered.
And shortly after, the RPF really did invade. |
An
observer from an international humanitarian agency
in Butare prefecture discovers a mimeographed bulletin titled
"Note Relative a la Propagande d’Expansion et de Recrutement".
The article includes a summary of rhetorical techniques drawn
from Roger Mucchielli’s 1970 work Psychologie de la
publicité et de la propagande. Never underestimate
the strength of the enemy, and never overestimate the intelligence
of the target audience. Strive in your language to identify the
enemy with everything feared and loathed. Lies, exaggeration,
ridicule, innuendo—all ably serve the ultimate aim of winning
over the undecided, sowing confusion and division among the opposed.
And this freedom from the confines of truth opens up a powerful
technique for sowing fear and hatred: 'accusation in a mirror'.
By this the writer means manufacturing events which impute to
the enemy your own motives, so that the most shocking acts you
initiate seem instead like appropriate tactical responses.
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‘Accusation
in a mirror’ pervades the pages of Kangura. One
writer asserts that captured RPF soldiers have revealed their
ambition to "clean the country of the filth of Hutu."
Details of the pogrom are given in an article from mid-1993, contending
that "they have attacked us with the intention of massacring
and exterminating 4.5 million Hutu and especially those who have
gone to school." True to the tactic, one obstacle to attaining
justice in the wake of the Hutu-led genocide would prove to be
the lack of judges and lawyers who, like the rest of the educated
Tutsi, would be specifically marked for death. "What are
the Bantu [Hutu] peoples waiting for," Kangura demanded,
"to protect themselves against the genocide so carefully
and consciously orchestrated by the Hamites [Tutsi] thirsty for
blood and for barbarian conquests, and whose leaders dispute the
golden medal of cruelty with the Roman emperor Nero"? Though
Hutu Power leaders would often respond to Western inquiry into
the genocide by a bare denial, ‘accusation in a mirror’
provides a fallback position whereby bloody acts against Tutsi
can be acknowledged but the original guilt cast upon the victims
themselves.
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"Let
us learn about the inkotanyi plans, and let us exterminate every
last one of them." |
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>
read the Ten Commandments >
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