identification card of Rwandan Tutsi

genocide in rwanda




"It's just business for us. If the inkotanyi gave me money, then I'd work for them too." Hassan Ngeze

 

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Kangura magazine

Under the Habyarimana presidency, mass media in Rwanda comprises a national radio station (Radio Rwanda) and four newspapers: two staffed with government personnel, plus two published by the Catholic church, itself disturbingly complicit with the ruling regime. 1987 sees the debut of a Tutsi-owned, Hutu-edited periodical, Kanguka (Wake Up). Rwandan poverty and social imbalance are diagnosed in its pages as consequences not of Tutsi domination, but of the administration’s economic policy and its network of northern Rwandan clan loyalties. The paper enjoys wide popularity, but threatens the akazu clique which maintains a stranglehold on national affairs. As First Lady Agathe Habyarimana this circle of Hutu Power notables debate how best to use the media in advancing their campaign against Tutsi and oppositionist Hutu, they find a solution which will at the same time silence the inconvenient Kanguka. They launch Kangura (Wake Them Up), adopting not only a similar name but a similar colloquial tone and layout style to confuse readers. Hassan Ngeze, a correspondent for Kanguka, is hired away as editor for the new publication.

 

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Though Ngeze’s informal, outspoken style earns it credibility as an independent publication, the journal is thoroughly a government production. Its issues are printed free of charge by state facilities. The majority of each print run is distributed by mayors to their townspeople. But when the president’s security force arrests Kanguka’s troublesome editor in July 1990, they jail Ngeze as well—a shrewd tactic which, while reminding Ngeze of his dependence upon official favor, establishes parity in the public mind between the truly independent anti-establishment paper and the mouthpiece of the regime. Amnesty International and other human rights organizations, which will be the first to condemn the Rwandan genocide years later, now join the appeal to release of this publisher of propaganda inciting racial violence. After Ngeze is freed to resume publishing in October, his reputation as a rebel well established, he is even more serviceable to the Habyarimana administration. Kangura is free to push the party line of ethnic hatred to its furthest extremes. By raging at the government’s slackness in permitting the survival of Tutsi, Ngeze grants the official message greater mass appeal by bestowing a veneer of populism; at the same time the government preserves an appearance of moderation, so important in maintaining international support.

Kangura uses political cartoons and caricatures to provide visual impact and to ensure that its anti-Tutsi sloganeering reaches less fluently literate viewers. Often obscene, these illustrations exploit the theme of Tutsi domination: Tutsi men castrating Hutu, Tutsi women trading sexual favors for international support of their nefarious cause. The cover design for issue #26, appearing in December 1993, poses a riddle: "What arms could we use to destroy the inyenzi for good?" Beside the question is a photo of Gregoire Kayibanda, architect of the Hutu revolution and first president of Rwanda*. On the other side is a machete.

In print, the editorial line is the same: a wake-up call to educate the Hutu about purported Tutsi abuses, to unite them as a people, to mobilize them against the enemy. History will reward us for our efforts. We have just finished the first phase, to prevent the inyenzi from enslaving us; we are now entering the second phase, that is, asking all Hutus to share in the achievements of the revolution." A Hutu people united can vanquish any foe, Kangura insists, knowing that a foe to vanquish can create a Hutu people united. "You understand that when the majority people is divided, the minority becomes the majority... Your unity, your mutual understanding, your solidarity are the certain weapons of your victory." Among a people united there is no dissent, no hostility resulting from the longstanding tradition of regional cronyism among Rwandan leaders, no suspicion that the interests of a president whose 20-room mansion includes a hall exclusively for the display of crystalware and a subsistence farmer with an annual income of $350 US might not be quite united. In the pages of Kangura, unquestioning Hutu solidarity is an essential tactic in the war for survival against the Tutsi—though behind the scenes, between the lines, for the wealthy elite it is an end in itself.

Kangura publishes a specially edited version of the 'Hutu Ten Command-ments', emphasizing racial solidarity and superiority. Read it here:
Kangura rarely refers to Tutsi by this name, instead preferring the term inyenzi, Kinyarwanda for 'cockroach', or inkotanyi, a historical term for a warrior.

The identification of the Tutsi with the cockroach is metaphorically powerful, conveying a loathsome filthiness magnified by the relentless force of the swarm in which these individually insignificant pests infest a household. "We began by saying that a cockroach cannot give birth to a butterfly. It is true. A cockroach gives birth to another cockroach... The history of Rwanda shows us clearly that a Tutsi stays always exactly the same, that he has never changed. The malice, the evil are just as we knew them in the history of our country. We are not wrong in saying that a cockroach gives birth to another cockroach. Who could tell the difference between the inyenzi who attacked in October 1990 and those of the 1960s. They are all linked... their evilness is the same." Kangura publishes lists of Tutsi who have "infiltrated" public culture, railing against their disproportionate success in monopolizing all the credit available from banks, all the import/export licenses available from the government, all the jobs available. This theft is enabled by "the detestable habit that many Tutsis have adopted of changing their ethnic group… which allows them to pass unnoticed and to take places normally reserved for Hutu in the administration and the schools. If this disease is not treated immediately, it will destroy all the Hutu." Indeed, the journal charges that 85% of Rwandan Tutsis are scurrying about Rwanda unseen in this way. Thus the Tutsi are imagined as a dangerous contamination to be cleansed from the Rwandan household; their filth and creeping infiltration horrify readers into a conviction that they must be destroyed, while their vulnerability gives confidence that they can be destroyed.

Generalized use of the term "Inkotanyi", originally applied only to the actual fighting force of the Rwandan Patriotic Front, portrays all Rwandan Tutsi as soldiers armed against the Hutu and thereby rhetorically transforms a campaign of violence against one’s unarmed civilian neighbors into a legitimate military campaign. One article specifically warns that 85% of Tutsi are RPF collaborators "who are working night and day" to overthrow security in Rwanda. Faced with such a threat the Hutu have no choice but to act in self-defense: "If they [the RPF] commit even the slightest mistake they will perish, and if they make the mistake of attacking again all accomplices will perish in Rwanda." Kangura accuses the Tutsi of waging a terror campaign "which would leave no survivors", of which the RPF is only a single weapon. "The inkotyani will not hesitate to transform their sisters, wives and mothers into pistols" to defeat the susceptible Hutu; nor would they hesitate to enlist European support, like the UN peacekeepers accused in a spring 1994 issue of plotting with the RPF to assassinate the president and take over Rwanda.

 
But wait a minute. A few months later, the president really was murdered. And shortly after, the RPF really did invade.

An observer from an international humanitarian agency in Butare prefecture discovers a mimeographed bulletin titled "Note Relative a la Propagande d’Expansion et de Recrutement". The article includes a summary of rhetorical techniques drawn from Roger Mucchielli’s 1970 work Psychologie de la publicité et de la propagande. Never underestimate the strength of the enemy, and never overestimate the intelligence of the target audience. Strive in your language to identify the enemy with everything feared and loathed. Lies, exaggeration, ridicule, innuendo—all ably serve the ultimate aim of winning over the undecided, sowing confusion and division among the opposed. And this freedom from the confines of truth opens up a powerful technique for sowing fear and hatred: 'accusation in a mirror'. By this the writer means manufacturing events which impute to the enemy your own motives, so that the most shocking acts you initiate seem instead like appropriate tactical responses.

‘Accusation in a mirror’ pervades the pages of Kangura. One writer asserts that captured RPF soldiers have revealed their ambition to "clean the country of the filth of Hutu." Details of the pogrom are given in an article from mid-1993, contending that "they have attacked us with the intention of massacring and exterminating 4.5 million Hutu and especially those who have gone to school." True to the tactic, one obstacle to attaining justice in the wake of the Hutu-led genocide would prove to be the lack of judges and lawyers who, like the rest of the educated Tutsi, would be specifically marked for death. "What are the Bantu [Hutu] peoples waiting for," Kangura demanded, "to protect themselves against the genocide so carefully and consciously orchestrated by the Hamites [Tutsi] thirsty for blood and for barbarian conquests, and whose leaders dispute the golden medal of cruelty with the Roman emperor Nero"? Though Hutu Power leaders would often respond to Western inquiry into the genocide by a bare denial, ‘accusation in a mirror’ provides a fallback position whereby bloody acts against Tutsi can be acknowledged but the original guilt cast upon the victims themselves.

 
 

"Let us learn about the inkotanyi plans, and let us exterminate every last one of them."

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*Alison Des Forges, in the Human Rights Watch report Leave None to Tell the Story, confirms this identification of Kayibanda. However, at the legal analysis site www.diplomatiejudiciaire.com, which documents the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, the image is described as "a Tutsi man"; while www.onemancult.com, containing an array of graphics from the magazine, identifies the photo as Dominique Mbonyumutwa, "Hutu under-chief (sous-chef) in the Gitarama prefecture whose death, supposedly caused by an attack of a Tutsi mob, was influential in sparking Hutu mobilization and the movement by force for independence." Remember: be on your guard, with photos and the facts people tell you...

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